Machiavelli Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Machiavelli - Essay Example For many years, manuals had been composed for rulers about how to oversee; these typically centered around the lives and practices of commendable rulers who lived moral lives and attempted to show different rulers how to follow their model. Machiavelli decides to break strikingly with this long standing and regarded convention, and compose an alternate sort of manual for rulers. His manual didn't advise rulers how to lead in an illuminated, moral way, but instead how to clutch power, paying little mind to ethical quality. This mindset was revered in his renowned â€Å"the closes legitimize the means† mentality. Machiavelli’s decision to block moral conversations from his political examination was striking, and had numerous advantages and disadvantages. Expelling good and moral decisions from political examination permitted Machiavelli to give a more clear manual for how to hold administration, and separate attributes that are commendable in a person from characteristics that are admirable in a sovereign, yet at the same time debased conversations of what the job of the ruler ought to be, concentrating on how a ruler can assist himself with holding power as opposed to how to do the best thing for his subjects, essentially. The main significant advantage of Machiavelli’s decision to expel good and moral contemplations from his political examination is that it permits him to pose inquiries past scholars had not so much had the option to; rather than asking â€Å"what makes a decent ruler?† he had the option to ask â€Å"what makes an effective ruler?† or, put another way â€Å"what permits a ruler to accomplish and to clutch power?† This sort of reasoning overruns Machiavelli’s messages †he composes that he means his book to be a â€Å"practical text† (section XV), which, as opposed to following a line of good absolutes, endeavors to compose something of â€Å"practical use to the inquirer† depend ent on what really befell rulers who acted somehow (part XV). He demands that each activity will prompt either â€Å"self-preservation† or â€Å"self-destruction† and that the essential objective of any ruler most be for the entirety of his activities to be predictable with the previous instead of the last mentioned. Machiavelli, by shunning moral inquiries, can concentrate on a totally extraordinary part of rulership than past scholars had the option to. Concentrating exclusively on the most proficient method to accomplish and clutch power sounds a piece †well, Machiavellian for absence of a superior term, narrow minded and impartial with other’s prosperity. Machiavelli’s center around the upkeep of intensity isn't, in any case, exclusively valuable to the ruler that takes his recommendation, however can likewise be of incredible advantage to the whole populace. A ruler who carries on in a â€Å"self-destructive† way will without a doubt be f rail to assaults, and in the long run others will attempt to assault his position and increase his princedom for their own. Such powerless rulers who continually need to invest time and vitality protecting their position consistently have less assets to put towards the open great, and the populace endures. Besides, frail rulers regularly welcome political agitation, which can be considerably more harming to a general public than a marginally oppressive pioneer. In this way, contingent upon the circumstance, Machiavelli’s as a matter of fact chilly exhortation could profit the sovereign as well as his populace. Having the option to solicit and answer totally different sorts from inquiries than past scholars had the option to was just one of the many advantage of Machiavelli’s irreverent political examination. Another significant one was the capacity to separate between characteristics that are outstanding in an individual versus characteristics that are honorable or att ractive in a pioneer. One of the prime models Machiavelli uses to exhibit the distinctions is the nature of liberality versus parsimony. Despite the fact that liberality is clearly a brilliant and commendable quality to have as an individual, Machiavelli

Marketing And Cultural Analysis of China †MyAssignmenthelp.com

Question: Talk about the Marketing And Cultural Analysis of China. Answer: Presentation The nation China, otherwise called the People's republic of China is perhaps the biggest nation of East Asia. Involving around the whole East Asian landmass, it possesses one-fourteenth of the land mass of the planet and has the biggest populace on the planet. The nation has thirty-three managerial units under the space of the Central Government. The capital of the country is Beijing, which is additionally the correspondence, monetary and social capital of the nation (Shambaugh, 2013). The main port and business focus is Hong Kong, with Shanghai being the modern city of China. The nation is exceptionally perplexing and a differing nation as far as atmosphere. The atmosphere ranges from amazingly bone-dry conditions in the northwestern piece of the nation to southeast with probably the best differentiation in temperature. This assorted variety has brought about the world's most stretched out assortment of biological specialties, with these being wealthy in a huge assortment of creatures and plants of all sort. As far as history, China is one of only a handful barely any civic establishments, which are as yet existing (Poston Jr. Yaukey, 2013). The Chinese development prospered both socially and financially in its soonest organizes. Despite the fact that there have been instances of social and political choppiness in the nation, China has demonstrated exemplary life span and versatility in its social political unit. This nation has built up its way of life without much outside mediation, Buddhism from India being the main excellent case. This non-presence of any mediation from the outside world, albeit made China a socially rich nation, however it likewise left China deadened when looked by the mechanically prevalent countries (Scharping, 2013). Among this remote on butcher, China ended up in a powerless position. In any case, this failure achieved an unrest, which battled against the old system and offered ascend to the foundation of a socialist system. This was the defining moment for China, where from that point the country was reshaped in each viewpoint including political, business and foundation. From that point forward China has gotten one of the most compelling and amazing nations on the planet The economy of China is one of the biggest on the planet throughout the previous scarcely any years during which it has seen the patterns of decrease just as success. The nation is the world's second biggest economy as far as GDP (Gong, 2012).The nation has incorporated itself with a financial monster with trillions of held and Foreign Direct Investment openings. China in the worldwide economy. The nation is additionally the biggest global holder of United States obligation possessing over $ 1.15 trillion in their treasury bonds. With high rankings in the Global Competitiveness Index, China has low rankings as far as monetary opportunity The nation has made tremendous interests as far as logical research. The Chinese accept that science and innovation are indispensable for the accomplishment of the nation's political and monetary development. They have been building up their instructive framework too particularly in the area of arithmetic, science and designing (Jiang, 2013). A portion of the brands of Chinese innovation like Huawei and Lenovo have become world pioneers in individualized computing. China understood the reliance of its financial framework on the US Dollar and perceived this shortcoming in its universal fiscal framework. It extemporized the framework and along these lines, the Chinese money turned into the eighth most exchanged cash the world. This report illuminates the earth of China with exceptional viewpoints to the social and business in the country (Yin, 2013). It incorporates an investigation of Hofstede's five social elements of China. China has been picked as the nation in the task since when the subject of worldwide business emerges, China is a lead player in the worldwide market and the most elevated attractor of the Foreign Direct Investments as expressed before. Henceforth, China was an ideal nation to comprehend the issues in global business. Conversation: Cultural Analysis of China The given area will talk about the business social examination of china which will give an investigation of China's way of life and their business social structure. The point of this segment is to recognize the day by day components of the way of life of China and how this culture is consolidated in their business. Globalization has opened different entryways for development of exchange into different nations of the globe. In this way, when an organization is extending its activities, the information about the way of life of the other nation is essential (Ardichvili et al., 2012). Socioeconomics The nation positions one on the planet as for its populace, which are more than one billion individuals. The nation includes a few ethnic gatherings with the Han Chinese being the biggest of all (Kleinman Lin, 2013). It incorporates other minority bunches too like Tibetan, Korean and Zhuang. Correspondence China has a high setting , non-verbal society which causes them to pick up the craftsmanship in their development to comprehend what to state and what move should be made regardless of whether it isn't said to them legitimately (Griffin Pustay, 2012).They depend on outward appearances and manner of speaking to decide one's emotions. They likewise will in general keep away from eye to eye connection, as they accept that eye to eye connection is a sign or insolence. Composed and Spoken Language Mandarin and Cantonese are the two essential lingos spoken (Warner, 2014). The principal having a place with the southern part while the last has a place with the northern part Essential Etiquette Welcome Welcome are a significant part of China with the older folks being given most significance. The individuals are tended to utilizing the last name except if exhorted something else (Ardichvili et al., 2012). They will in general bow their head when welcoming other and as for outsiders, a handshake is viewed as suitable. Eating The host is consistently the principal individual to start eating during a dining experience. He additionally will in general give an impromptu speech. At the point when the dining experience starts, the host will be the first to start eating. The host is additionally the individual who gives the impromptu speech (Gomez, 2012). The chopsticks when not being used ought to be laid on the table; they are not something to be played with, as this is an indication of lack of regard for the host. Religion The socialist party of China is agnostics. Strict opportunity is permitted in China; be that as it may, many are bothered for their strict convictions and practices. Five religions are recognized by China, which incorporate Buddhism, Islam, Protestantism, Taoism and Catholicism. Morals and Values The Chinese have high moral and virtues. Marriage Marriage contains a huge piece of the Chinese culture. The acknowledgment of both the gatherings to marriage is significant (Gomez, 2012). Organized relationships, Polygamy and Incest are prohibited. Kids The administration had set a constraint of the quantity of youngsters a family can have. The breaking point being set to one. Nonetheless, as of late when it was found from an examination that the maturing populace of China has expanded, the cutoff was raised to two. Confucianism This guideline can be characterized as a lot of moral and good framework, which speak to the principles that one individual, ought to submit to dependent on the lessons of Confucius who was a Chinese savant (Warner, 2014). He had set down different frameworks of social structure framework dependent on the uniformity of connections and instructive framework, which is considered critical in China. Offspring of well off families have a superior bit of leeway at increasing high post administrative situation in occupations. Coordinating these Cultural segments with the business condition of China Defilement As of late, defilement has been seen as a developing danger to China. It has expanded in the mid level and senior level contribution for money related reasons. Authorization has not been extremely effective (Gomez, 2012). The Chinese government has certain enemy of defilement gauges be that as it may, as indicated by a report under 3 % of degenerate authorities end up behind the bars. Manners Social collaborations require legitimate behavior Connections and correspondence Business in china is commonly finished with known organizations in light of the secrecy of business information. The business data of the two organizations who are managing is sent early. Sexual orientation jobs don't exist and regard is given to the position of the individual (Ardichvili et al., 2012). The Chinese lean toward eye to eye association. In social events, they Chinese don't prefer to talk about issues identified with the business. Blessing giving and Greetings Giving blessings and getting isn't satisfactory in the space of business. The blessing regardless of whether given with due regard is viewed as a type of pay off which is viewed as unlawful in the nation. Handshakes are viewed as the proper welcome. While utilizing titles of politeness a large portion of the business administrators ought to be tended to with a title, which is trailed by their last name. Gatherings Arrangements for the gatherings booked are made ahead of time and reliability is of outrageous significance in gatherings (Kleinman Lin, 2013). Talking amiss or mediating when an individual is clarifying his motivation isn't adequate. Seniormanagement sits alongside other senior individuals. The Chinese expect the colleagues or imminent accomplices to be solid and steady for the gathering. It is recommended that the strategic agreement has at any rate 20 duplicates with the goal that it is passed out to everybody present in the gathering. The introductions should be work clearly, some other shading ought to be maintained a strategic distance from. Poise must be kept up during the gatherings. Impression of feelings will in general put a negative impact for the concerned business association. Social Structure An individual is related with their work circle and the individual ought not withdraw from his gathering. It is likewise said that while entering a gathering, the authoritative chain of command ought to be follo

How to Write the Colorado College Supplement TKG

How to Write the Colorado College Supplement Colorado College is a private liberal arts college in Colorado Springs, CO. The undergraduate population is comprised of about 2,100 students. One of the most unique things about Colorado College is the Block scheduling system. Instead of the typical college schedule where you take 3-5 courses per semester or quarter, you take 1 class at a time. You attend class every day M-F from 9am-12pm for 3.5 weeks. Students then have a long weekend and begin a new class the next Monday. This repeats 4x per semester, and there are two semesters per year. We break down their supplement below:How did you learn about Colorado College and why do you wish to attend? (no more than 500 words)The way that Colorado College phrases this question makes it seem like it is a “Why X School?” question, which it is, but it has a bit of a twist. They want to know why you want to attend, yes, but they also want to know HOW you learned about it. You have 500 words, so they’re asking you to tell them a story. We start stories with a personal experience. So that is where you’d start for this story as well. The checklist for your story must be:A topic that hasn’t yet been explored in your applicationA personal story that reflects a new side of yourselfBUT, not a story that reflects a side of yourself or a topic that is completely out of left fieldYour application should be continuous. Your background, goals, and interests are listed throughout your application (just once!) because the entire application as a package is being submitted. Your essays, test scores, extracurriculars, the list goes on...all together, they tell a story. This story, your Colorado College supplement, should be a part of that larger narrative. It should be new information, but it shouldn’t stand out in the context of your application.The rule of thumb here is to start with an interest, and then incorporate the school from there. There isn’t an obvious way to address the “how,” because you likely didn’t come across Colorado College in some sort of a magical way. Unless you have an incredibly story, we’d suggest starting with the “why.” Talk about your interest(s), give some context to them, and discuss how you plan to pursue those interests at Colorado College. Discuss why Colorado College is particularly unique in having the resources/offering the class/employing the professor/funding the extracurricular program that interests you.  We had an engineering and computer science student tell a story from her childhood about how she became interested in computer scienceâ€"then from there, she delved into the unique computer science opportunities that she’d want to get involved in at the college. Your interests come first, and the college is a vehicle for expanding your interests. The essay itself was interesting and fun to read because there was a beginning, a middle, and an end. Ultimately, you’re trying to draw your admissions reader in with your language. You want them t o envision you on the campus, in the classroom, and contributing meaningfully to the community.The Block Plan at Colorado College has a tradition of innovation and flexibility. Please design your own three-and-a-half week course and describe what you would do. (no more than 500 words)This is one of our favorite supplement questions. The great thing about this question is that you can get ultra-specific and creative.Here are the rules:Don’t create a course that directly mirrors something you’ve already done. It’s already on your application. It’s done.  Search, search more, and search again to make sure that Colorado College does not offer anything remotely like this course.There needs to be a title, a course description, and a list of required readings. It should reflect what it would look like in the college handbook.We suggest that you start with a problem, and then work backwards. Decide on a problem you want to solve and go from there. Social issues are a great way to s tart, but that shouldn’t limit you. Notice that they use the word “innovation.” This means that they are solution-oriented. This can mean inefficiencies, big or small. The course should aim to understand the problem as well as dive into the history of and various solutions to the problem. The best supplements are the ones that solve problems that the student is passionate about in a genuine way.How to find a genuine passion? Think about books, courses, and projects that you’ve worked your way through that were solely based on your interests. What are you so fascinated in that you routinely find yourself hitting “Play” on YouTube video #31 on the topic at 12:04AM. What is so worth your time and brain energy that it doesn’t even feel exhaustingâ€"it feels like you’re fueling your spirit the more than you understand this topic. Once you’ve determined a topic, you should take a look at the 300/400/500 level courses at the college to understand the structure of a course and how specific the classes get. At that point, it’s no more “Western Political Tradition.” The classes are more like, “The Cuban Revolution” and “Intervention, the Drug War and Human Migration: The U.S.-Latin American Relationship.” They’re not asking you to design a survey course here.One example that we came up with is:Fascination topic: Uber’s rise?Sub-topics: Artificial intelligence, economics, independent contractors, employment, technology, U.S. job market?Name of the class: What Will Robots Do Once They’re Uber Drivers: An Exploration of A.I.’s Impact On The Job MarketFrom there, you’ll write up a brief class description and offer a couple of required texts. Remember, the course is only 3.5 weeks long so you don’t have time to consume a lot of information. Keep it intentional and well thought out.Let us know if you need any help at all. We know this one is more challenging, but that just means it’s an opportunity to stand out. We’d be happy to help you create an amazing supplement to Colorado College.

Key Players Of Space Research - 798 Words

Key Players in Space Research in Africa South Africa South Africa can be considered the pioneer of space research in Africa. According to Dr. Peter Martinez, of the South African Council for Space Affairs, South African Astronomical Observatory was established in 1820 it used astro-photography to capture the first measurement to the nearest star. Other projects that emerged from South Africa space inquisitions were project Moonwatch which resulted in observations of satellite transits. South Africa collaborated with National Aeronautics Space Administration (NASA) in 1961 to establish deep space station 51 that provided ground support to Mariner IV (fly by to Venus), Pioneer 8 (interplanetary weather satellite) and analysis of soil samples returned by the Apollo satellite. Moreover, South Africa serves as the African continent premier space geodetic facility using Very Long Baseline Interferometry (VLBI), satellite laser ranging, Global Positioning System (GPS), Tracking, Telemetry and Command (TTC). Moreover, South Africa hosts the national earth observation archive and disaster management centers that support the country and its neighbors. South Africa launched its first satellite in 1999 named Sunsat, followed by another Satellite Sumbanila in 2009; the latter project was fully managed by South Africans and created a large awareness of space technology throughout the nation (Ghadaki, 2010). It is implied that South Africa started space observation in the 19th centuryShow MoreRelatedMid-term Paper1226 Words   |  5 PagesCouncil of Canadian Academies published a study analyzing the strengths and weaknesses of the Canadian research and the innovation in its business sector. 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South Afric A Place Like No Other - 1569 Words

South Africa is a place like no other. If you’re looking at a map, you’ll find it South of Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Botswana, and Namibia. Spanning from the Atlantic Ocean on the West coastline and The Indian Ocean on the East, South Africa is over 2500 kilometers long (South Africa s Geography). This largely populated country houses over 52 million people, who collectively speak ten different languages. South Africa alone is the same size as Niger, Angola, Mali, and Columbia (South Africa s Geography). Within the borders of this vast land include nine provinces, the smallest being Gauteng and the largest being Northern Cape. Unlike many other countries in the world, South Africa has three capitals. Cape Town controls its legislative†¦show more content†¦In 1912, black South Africans founded the South African National Congress achieving very little. When the National Party came to power in South Africa a strict policy of apartheid was put in place. Although whites and blacks were already segregated, new laws made segregation far worse. However, in 1955 organizations representing all people formed including the Congress Alliance and the Freedom Charter, yet division soon occurred. High tension helped Robert Sobukwe to create the pan Africanist Congress or PAC with a few followers. Not long after ANC and PAC planned demonstrations against the pass laws, which restricted the movements of black people. This led to a government ban of the ANC and the PAC group and protesters such as Nelson Mandela being to life imprisonment; not a ripple effect of riots. In 1978 P.W. Botha became prime minister, at this point he introduced a new constitution with a tri-cameral parliament, with houses for whites, coloreds and Indians and no representation for blacks. Ten years later he was forced out of office. The next year, Willem de Klerk was voted in. He pledged to end apartheid, released Nelson Mandela, and introduced a new constitution with rights for all. At this point a new leaf turned over for the country of South Africa. Now that we know about the social side, let’s take a look at

Character Analysis Of Heroes By Robert Cormier - 890 Words

How can someone be willing fall on a bomb then live, but not want to be recognized as a hero? In the book â€Å"Heroes† by Robert Cormier, the main character, Francis Cassavant, does just that. Francis Joseph Cassavant is a shy boy with a very low esteem and a hatred for himself causing him to become a suicidal character. Francis is a young boy when he believes that he is good a nothing. He is extremely shy and won’t try any new actives. But then he meets Larry LaSalle. At the rec center Larry invites Francis to try something. Francis was scared to try anything because he knew there was nothing he was good at. He had convinced himself that he wasn’t good at anything. He had no self confidence. It was pointless in Francis’s head to try†¦show more content†¦Leaning against the banister, she asked: â€Å"Why didn’t you do something? Tell him to stop. Run for help. Anything.† â€Å"I’m sorry,† I said, knowing how pitiful th ose words must sound to her† (Cormier 101). Nicole never talk to Francis again, she even moves away without any goodbye. Larry took Nicole away from Francis and hurt her. Francis just can not live with the guilt of knowing and not doing anything. After Francis has Nicole taken from him he feels like he can no longer live. It’s his fault that Nicole was taken away. He didn’t say anything or tell Larry to stop and now Nicole is gone. Francis can no longer live his life. After everything that happened with Nicole Francis knew he could live no longer. He was going to kill himself. â€Å"Saying a prayer before committing the worst sin of all: despair. I thought of St. Jude’s Cemetery and the pitiful graves set apart from the rest, the ones who had taken their own lives and could not be buried in consecrated ground. I thought of my mother and father- could I disgrace their name this way?† (Cormier 104). Francis couldn’t kill himself he didn’ t someone or something to kill him. He joined the army, he could die a hero. He went to war and fell on a bomb, he shouldve died, but he didn’t, instead he had his face blown off and he was awarded a silver medal. Francis was depressed before going to war and now heShow MoreRelatedContemporary Issues in Management Accounting211377 Words   |  846 Pagesproviding a voice of reason amidst all the consultancy excitement of seemingly new ways of costing the business world. He has played a similar role in the area of accounting standard setting, both taking forward the British tradition of the economic analysis of financial accounting and, of possibly greater significance, providing some very original analyses of the possibilities for meaningful accounting standardization. With an agenda as rich as this, it is all the more praiseworthy that Michael maintained

Development of Western Music free essay sample

Music Western music may be referred to as classical music and Its traditions and styles originate from the beginning of the Middle ages (10th century) onward. Due to the Catholic Church being the dominant religion of the time, a large portion of the music was religious/sacred. Beginning with Gregorian Chant, sacred music slowly developed Into a polyphonic. Early Christians based their music off of already existing Jewish chants These chants (like most of the religious music at this time) were monophonic meaning that they had one melody without any support from a harmony r accompaniment.As theses chants spread around Europe, different variations were formed as a result of the chants coming In contact with deferent cultures. Pope Gregory eventually made these chants official church music, thus dubbing them Gregorian Chants. Secular music flourished until the period culminated with the sacred and secular compositions of the first true composer of Western music, Gallinule De Mach. Most of Gallinule De Muscats compositions were focused around courtship love.He wrote loosely in five genres: the ballade (a short, lyrical ice of music), the rounded (lyrical poem), the alai (very tempo intensive lyrical poem), the motet (a short piece of sacred choral music), and the virile (a rhyming poem set to music). Gallinule De Muscats greatest achievement by far was to introduce a polyphonic mass Into the Catholic Church. Gallinule De Mach saw to It that his works were well preserved as he realized that his successes in music were taken well throughout the world.Giovanni Periling dad Palestinian was a sixteenth century representative of the Roman School of Musical Composition. Palestinians music is est. known as the pinnacle of the Renaissance polyphony. HIS masses were Influential In the development of the Baroque period, and his Miss sine nominee had an obvious effect on Johann Sebastian Bach who was performing this mass while writing his famous Mass in B minor as is evident by the similar melodies and refrains.After Giovanni Papergirl dad Palestinians death In 1594 of pleurisy, the Baroque period of music erupted with such composers as: Antonio Vivaldi, Jean- Philippe Reamer, and George Frederic Handel. The Baroque period is the first time that composers as a collective began to veer away from strictly religious works. Vivaldi worked in an all girls school teaching music and composing in his spare time.He eventually wrote his famous violin concerto The Four Seasons and began to travel Europe with four of his students. At the same time, Reamer became the head composer of the French Opera. Reamers music was extremely technical and he strives to be known for his strict attention to detail in his works. George Frederic Handel began his career by working with and starting several opera companies (Operas were fairly new at the time and were reserved for the upper class), but he had a dramatic change of heart.Handel began composing and performing for the public. Perhaps the most well-known composer of the Baroque period, Johann Sebastian Bach drew from all of these composers by stressing technicality in his compositions and allowing his music to be heard by all. Christopher , the leading Bach scholar, said in his book, Bachs musical style arose from his skill in 1 OFF North and South German, Italian and French music, and his devotion to the Lutheran liturgy.His access to musicians, scores and instruments as a child and a young man and his emerging talent for writing tightly woven music of powerful sonority, allowed IM to develop an eclectic, energetic musical style in which foreign influences were combined with an intensified version of the pre-existing German musical language [4] Bachs work with contrapuntal invention (motion of two melodic lines in relation to one another) would become exceptionally influential in the Romantic. The Classical period of music spans from 1780 to 1820.Classical music is much lighter and less dynamic than that of the Baroque period. It focuses much more on a single melody than counterpoint and harmonies. Some of the more notable composers from his time period are: Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, Joseph Haydn, as well as Ludwig van thieving. Haydn is often referred to as the Father of Symphony due to his devotion to the symphony. Throughout his composing career, his music gradually increased in complexity, breaking away from the guidelines of Classical music. Knolling Amadeus Mozart was a very diverse composer.He wrote in almost every genre of music. Much like Haydn, Mozart began to stray from the simple classical styles later in his life with pieces like Symphony No. 29 in A minor which features a contrapuntal main theme in the first movement. Ludwig van Beethoven was a transitional piece between the Classical period and the Romantic. Beethoven is one of the most famous and accomplished composers, being included in the Three Bis Each, Beethoven, Brahms) and having two of his pieces featured on the Voyager Golden Record which was sent into space [2].Beethoven studied with both Mozart and Haydn and was strongly influenced by them. Beethovens main focus in composing was the piano. He wrote 32 sonatas and several more short pieces. thieving is known for his very dramatic and free pieces like: Piano Sonata No. 14 in C sharp minor and Piano Sonata No. 8 Pathetic. These works laid the foundation for the Romantic period. The Romantic period (1850 1910) was partly a revolt against the social and political norms brought on by the Age of Enlightenment.This period in music emphasized very free and moving pieces accentuated by such composers as: Frederic Chopin, Franz List, and Johannes Brahms. As a composer, Franz List revolutionized music with his invention of the symphonic poem and the use of transposition. The symphonic poem is a style of symphony music used to illustrate a certain theme, setting, or even painting. Lists use of transposition opened a new door in the realm of music. With transposition, one is able to take a piece to use as a base and build an entirely new piece around it (e. G. Beethovens Ode to Joy turned into a Turkish march).Frederic Chopin is a Polish born composer and pianist. His pieces are known for their demanding technicality and freedom of Interpretation (Chopin often included very little dynamic markings in his pieces so that each performer could interpret the piece themselves) [3]. Influenced by Johann Sebastian Bach, Chopin made great use of counterpoint in his pieces and even wrote piece dedicated to him. The opening theme of his Opus 25 No. 12 (which some argue that even Chopin could not play) if blocked, spells out BACH (in German, B flat is B, A is A, C is C, and B is H). Chopping pieces were so influential that during World Near II, the last thing heard on the Polish radio station before it was seized by the himself was very influential in the creation of twentieth century music. Chopping Polonaise No. 3 in A major is quite obviously the inspiration for George Gershwins Rhapsody in Blue which features very broad transitional chords much like the Polonaise No. 3 in A major. In summary, Western music began as very simple tones used exclusively for religious purposes. It then was developed by the implementation of varying masses that introduced polyphony.It then began to get much more technical as it turned to secularism with the Baroque period in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. With the Classical time period, the music returned to its simplistic origins (simple melodies with no harmonies) for some time up until the Romantic period. There, it began to be formed by the revolts of the public against the Age of Enlightenment into a freely flowing and dramatic way of expression. After that, as instruments have become more available, music has been shaped into an numerous amount of styles.

School free essay sample

What are some challenges of incorporating visual elements in technical instructions or manuals? The biggest challenge is when you use visuals elements you have to choose the right ones that are related to the subject or the topic you are writing about. It’s very important to choose carefully when using visual elements in manuals because you have to use ones that are specific to explain your points of the topic. Why are visuals important? It’s important because it will show how much you understand the topic you are explaining to others, and it will make it easy for the reader to understand what the writer is trying to explain. For an example, I am looking at a baby crib, and I don’t understand one or few of the steps, if there are some pictures it would be easy for me to look at the pictures and I can apply it to the crib, but if there are no images than I will be lost and It would take me longer. We will write a custom essay sample on School or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Are there times when it would be inappropriate to include visuals? Explain your answers. I bought my three years old son a crib, they have two parts of a manual the first one is explaining how to put the crib together but it has no images, so I tried so hard I got some of the crib right.I was made because I did not see any images to show me how to put the crib up; I was going to return the bed just because they did not include any images on how to do it. I do better when I see a picture than read the explanation, and it took me about two hours to get it but no luck. I looked in the box for the last time and I found the paper I was looking for, the one that has images on how to fix the crib step by step. It got the crib done within an hour and my baby boy was sleeping in it. I believe having visual elements in manuals is very important.

Definition and Examples of Group Genitives in English

Definition and Examples of Group Genitives in English Definition In English grammar, the group genitive is a  possessive construction (such as the man next doors cat) in which the clitic  appears at the end of a noun phrase whose final word is not its head or not its only head. Also called a  group possessive or phrasal possessive. Group genitive constructions are more common in everyday speech than in formal writing. Examples and Observations I am sitting here in my apartment, recording the guy next doors activities for my best friend, who is engaged.(Meg Cabot, Boy Next Door. Avon Books, 2002)Joona takes out his mobile and calls Ronny again. Sweet Home Alabama begins to play in the man with the boyish hairs pocket . . .(Lars Kepler, The Hypnotist. Trans. by Ann Long. Picador, 2011)Liza Minnellis . . . powerhouse, saucer-eyed renditions of Money, Money and Maybe This Time are the best evidence there is of the future drag-queen patron saints phenomenal talent.(Chris Nashawaty, review of Cabaret on Blu-Ray. Entertainment Weekly, February 8, 2013)A shoeshine boy came in with the news that a porter in the building had broken his leg. The fellow that washes the windows? somebody asked. No, sir, said the lad, the fellow that washes the windows brother.(E.B. White. The New Yorker, January 21, 1939)I was the kid next doors imaginary friend.(American comedian Emo Philips) Origin of the Group Genitive The group-genitive construction, as in King Priam of Troys son and The Wife of Baths Tale, is a development of the early Modern English period. Group in the term for this construction refers to the fact that the genitive -s is added, not to the noun to which it relates most closely, but rather to whatever word ends a phrase including such a noun. . . . He is the woman who is the best friend this club has ever hads husband is an extreme example from Gracie Allen, an early radio and television comedian noted for her confusing speech.(John Algeo and Thomas Pyles, The Origins and Development of the English Language, 6th ed. Wadsworth, 2010) Guidelines for Using the Group Genitive To a mind trained exclusively in Latin (or German) grammar such English constructions as the Queen of Englands power, or he took somebody elses hat, must seem very preposterous; the word that ought to be in the genitive case (Queen, somebody) is put in the nominative or accusative, while in the one instance England, whose power is not meant, and in the other even an adverb, is put in the genitive case. . . .It will not be easy to lay down fully definite and comprehensive rules for determining in which cases the group genitive is allowable and in which the s has to be affixed to each member; the group construction is, of course, easiest when one and the same name is common to two persons mentioned (Mr. and Mrs. Browns compliments), or when the names form an inseparable group (Beaumont and Fletchers plays; Macmillan Co.s publications). On the whole, the tendency is toward using the group genitive, whenever no ambiguity is caused by it.(Otto Jespersen, Progress in Language, 1909) Guidelines for Using Joint Possessives Where two or more distinct persons, animals, etc., are in the genitive, the group genitive applies only when there is joint possession, responsibility, relationship, as in William and Marys reign and Jack, Tom, and Marys uncle. If two separate possessions or other relationships are concerned, each noun must clearly be shown in the genitive.(Eric Partridge, You Have a Point There, Routledge, 1978) For joint possession, an apostrophe goes with the last element in a series of names. If you put an apostrophe with each element in the series, you signal individual possession. E.g.:John and Marys house. (Joint)Johns and Marys houses. (Individual)America and Englands interests. (Joint)Americas and Englands interests. (Individual) In the last two examples, interests is plural (regardless of the possessives)) merely as a matter of idiom: we typically refer to Americas interests, not Americas interest. With pronouns, each element is always possessive (your and his time share).(Bryan A. Garner, Garners Modern American Usage. Oxford University Press, 2009) Also See Compound NounsGenitiveGrammatical Oddities That You Probably Never Heard About in SchoolStructure-Dependency

Is digital marketing a force for good or evil Use academic references Essay

Is digital marketing a force for good or evil Use academic references and practical examples to critically address this question - Essay Example nique that is used for the promotion of the products and services using the database-driven online distribution channels so as to reach the consumers in the relevant, cost-effective and personal manner. The digital marketing includes: online marketing such as website optimisation, Search Engine Optimisation, Video Search Engine Optimisation (VSEM), Social Media Optimisation (SMO), blogs & forums, online display advertising, and email marketing, mobile marketing such as messaging, mobile internet, and App Advertising, eMedia marketing such as video, audio, and the content delivered through the electronic devices. Despite businesses changing drastically into the digital marketing, the digital age has brought both the good and evil part. This paper will investigate the good and evil part of digital marketing. The emergence of the digital marketing has changed the modern market. Despite some of the limitation of the digital marketing in terms of the bandwidth, the diffusion and the technological issues, many of the offline transactions are now being replicated online in a quite successful manner (Boone, & Kurtz, 2013). Though this is comprehensive, it’s not yet exhaustive. The value of the examination of the list of the dual platform behaviours recognizes that digital marketing can affect certain aspects of the marketing behaviour via its unique features it presents to consumers, both negatively and positively. The increased competition, high costs and rivalry among firms demands that organisations establish long-term relationships with the customers to be able to retain and increase their market shares (Casalo et al., 2008). With relationship marketing winning, businesses are turning to digital marketing to understand consumers’ behaviours and to encourage brand loyalty and involvement. Additionally, digital marketing derives some benefits such as the perceived value, customer loyalty, and commitment. Customer loyalty can be defined as the perceived form of re-

Network Topology and Wiring Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Network Topology and Wiring - Essay Example The physical mapping of the network may be geometrical in shape whereas the logical topology would include mapping of the network. Ring Topology – where all elements in a network form a ring, and the unidirectional data passes through all elements in the network and thus, each element has to ensure that the speed is being retained Tree Topology – Where the central hub acts as the node from which intermediate nodes emerge and further nodes may emerge from the that node in such a way that a chain may be formed. The last node is termed as a leaf from where no child node emerges In context to the networking needs of the healthcare center, the mesh topology seems quite relevant. With the enhanced technology measures, the healthcare centers require networking topologies for medical practices, pharmacies, laboratories, even for multimedia purposes like cardiac monitoring alongside other applications. Furthermore, communication patterns need to be developed to deal with payment claims, lab test results and other matters which need to be communicated to various stakeholders (Hoysh, Yoshihashi & Bailey 2012). Various prototypes have been developed to increase networking efficiency in similar technologically advanced healthcare centers. Research and experimentation reveals that mesh network prove to be the most cost effective yet relevant network topology in this context. Such a topology is convenient since it has the capacity to support a wide range of network. Also, delivery time for the conveyance to message may be reduced. As mentioned above as well, a mesh topology is one where every node relays data to any other node in the system. Thus, all nodes essentially cooperate in distributing data in the network. Furthermore, since wireless technology needs to be incorporated, mesh typology is more relevant since it supports such a

US and China Negotiations with Oil Producing Countries

US and China Negotiations with Oil Producing Countries Abstract The start of the twenty first century signaled a new beginning for the United States and China in their quest for oil diplomacy with African oil producing countries. One of the characteristics of this venture is the difference in approach both countries follow to attain this natural resource. This research work, therefore, examines the diplomatic measures of the US and China in their negotiations with oil producing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, hereafter referred to as (SSA). In particular, the results they expect or the preferences over outcomes are analyzed. It is not the intention of the study to present a comparative analysis of US and Chinese import figures or to look at their reciprocal relationship. The question is what strategic choices do the US and China make in their interaction with oil producing countries and in what way does such interaction shape oil diplomacy? An important finding is that the US and China develop different strategic paths and policy frameworks whic h strengthen the assumption that the two countries compete for SSA oil. Along these lines, the study investigates the oil diplomacy of the US and China in SSA using the strategic-choice approach as an analytical framework. Introduction In the last decade, the US and China has moved their search for oil security to the African continent. The US and China arrive on the SSA oil scene with their own motives and interests. Their single most important interest is to engage in oil diplomacy with petroleum producing states and secure the safe import of oil from the region. African states traditionally were influenced by colonial powers. However, with the rise of China and its increasing involvement in Africa, the situation is changing. The US focuses on humanitarianism, good governance and democratization of petroleum producing states in their oil diplomacy approach. China, the worlds fastest growing economy, views SSA as a welcome offloading ground for its products in exchange for oil. An economic approach focusing on enlarging its commercial interests is the driving factor for Chinas engagement with petroleum producing states. China needs more raw materials to supply in its increasing domestic demand. Instability in the Middle East, oil dependency and securing its energy interests drives the US to SSA. Keeping a watchful eye on Chinas involvement and monitoring its influence with petroleum producing states is another reason the US is devoting much of its time to this part of Africa. The US interest in the region focuses on the procurement of oil and gas, but with the establishment of the US African Command (AFRICOM), US involvement in SSA shifted in a large degree to the fight against terrorism and safeguarding of American oil operations. Analytical Framework Lake Powell (1999) formulated an approach that makes it easier for students of international relations to explain the choices actors make, whether these actors are states, parties, ethnic groups, companies, leaders or individuals. This approach is used in the paper to explain the strategic interaction of the US and China with oil producing countries and not the strategic interaction between the US and China. The argument is that both countries have independent influencing power and exercise an asymmetric relationship with oil producing countries. In SSA the preferences and beliefs of the US and China in conjunction with the strategic environment are the core attributes on which the strategic-choice approach is based. In the SSA oil environment, there are many beliefs and preferences which have an effect on interaction and the formulation of policy frameworks. What are the oil security preferences of the US and China in SSA, and how is it influenced by the environment? Changes in the behavior of actors are often difficult to perceive in the strategic-choice approach (Lake Powell, 1999). Whenever changes in the behavior of actors do take place, it is primarily done through learning, through changes in the actors environment or by analyzing the actors as more basic actors Lake Powell, 1999). In this study, the methodological bet would disaggregate the actors into more basic actors, such as the individual beliefs of the energy departments, national leaders, multinational oil corporations, bureaucrats and individuals. Frieden (1999: 50) mentions the concept of actors preferences over choices, and how the outcomes affect strategic interaction between actors in the same setting. The preference in a particular setting leads the agent to devise a strategy. Analysts of international relations have long debated how preferences and the strategic environment affect outcomes, jointly and separately. Many debates in the field have to do with whether outcomes are primarily the result of the constraints of the international system or of differences among national preferences (Frieden, 1999:50). A strong variant of realism, for example, implies that state preferences are so overwhelmed by the pressures of interstate competition that all states must pursue essentially identical strategies. A strong domestic, dominance perspective might, on the other hand, argue that different state strategies flow primarily from different national characteristics and preferences. Due to the continuous rise of new issues in SSA oil politics, the argument is that preferences are shaped by environmental factors and thus not static. It will be difficult, therefore, to separate the preferences of the actors from the strategic environment. The assumption is that a cycle of interaction is proposed deriving from the interplay of preferences and strategies. In the SSA oil setting, the US and China in deciding what preferences over outcomes they desire, have to take political environmental constraints into consideration, because the oil-induced political environment is constantly changing. Instability of oil producing countries, corruption, the negative consequences of having oil reserves, bad governance and terrorism are contributing factors to this changing environment. In more stable, homogenous oil environments, the actors preferences are more constant. The environment in North Africa is a region with a more or less stable oil infrastructure, where actors formulate clear, definable goals, separate from such environmental influence. The North African oil producing states of Libya, Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt have a strong unifying Muslim culture, and they can shape their preferences around a common goal. In SSA, the environment and the choices actors make are separated, because of ethnic division, religious differences, corruption, instability, bad governance and the gross mismanagement of oil revenues. These factors then make it difficult for leaders to shape preferences without interference of political constraints. In reality, leaders of oil states will base individual preferences on self-enrichment and state goals on the dynamics of interplay between actors in the strategic setting. The main energy security debate for the American and Chinese government in the twenty first century focuses on the concept of oil dependence. Diversification of import channels, safe delivery of imports and establishing reasonable prices are factors that influence the decision-making of policymakers. US-Sino oil diplomacy in SSA thus follows different paths. Because both countries arrived relatively late on the oil scene in this part of Africa, were not previous colonial masters, and had limited strategic ties with petroleum producing states, SSA now presents new challenges to the US and Chinese governments in their quest for oil. Engaging in diplomatic talks broaden oil horizons and establish measures along which oil security is negotiated. From the perspective of increasing oil imports and acquiring new exploration and drilling licenses, oil diplomacy is vital for sustaining negotiations on a continuous basis. However, for diplomacy to be an effective tool, the US and China need to formulate preferences or policy beliefs. The next section presents a brief overview of US and Chinese expansion into the SSA oil fields in the last couple of years. The aim is to identify the major oil producing countries with whom the US and China have signed deals and not to present import and expo rt figures. Looking at the allocation of exploration contracts to the US and China by SSA oil producers, it becomes clear that these countries are siding with either the US or China. The point is that diplomacy and strategic interaction are deciding factors influencing the relationship. For example, Nigeria and Angola as two of SSAs major oil producing countries have strong relationships with both powers, but their interaction differ. US and Chinese Expansion into Sub-Saharan Africa Oil Fields The growing expansion of Chinese national oil companies into Africas oil markets is perhaps the aspect of Sino-African relations that most concerns the international community (Taylor, 2009: 37). Chinese firms are actively seeking resources of every kind: copper, bauxite, uranium, aluminum, manganese, iron ore, and more. However, the issues surrounding oil are of particular interest to Western policymakers studying Chinas rise (Lyman, 2006). Indeed, although China and the US do not rely on one another for energy supplies, the possibility that oil will be the subject of future disagreements between them is arguably high and thus has a bearing on much of the commentary on Sino-African energy policies (Zha, 1999: 69). Certainly, there is concern that Beijings procurement of energy supplies will pose a challenge to the global dominance of Washington at a time when levels of cooperation between the two governments on matters of energy are at best weak (Dreyer, 2007: 461). In contrast to t he days of Maoist solidarity, contemporary Chinas economic dealings with Africa are, in the main, based on an unfriendly evaluation of commercial potential. Indeed, to reiterate, Chinas rapidly developing oil requirements have helped propel Sin-African trade at the turn of the millennium (Taylor, 2009: 44). A select listing of recent contracts signed by Chinas national oil companies gives a flavor of the geographical extent of Chinese interest in SSA oil. In 2004, Total Gabon signed a contract with Sinopec for exporting Gabonese crude oil into China. Angola received a US$ billion loan in 2005 in exchange for oil deals with China, which added another US$1 billion to the loan in March 2006. Also in 2005, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation signed a US$800 million deal with PetroChina to supply 30,000 barrels of crude per day to China. In 2006, CNOOC agreed to pay US$2.3 billion for a stake in a Nigerian oil and gas field (Taylor, 2009: 45). Chinese oil companies also reportedl y signed contracts to begin offshore oil exploration and production in Congo-Brazzaville and began oil exploration in northern Namibia with the intent to establish an oil refinery. In addition, Nigeria announced that that it would give the first right of refusal on four oil exploration blocks to CNPC in exchange for a commitment to invest US$4 billion in infrastructure (Taylor, 2009: 46). Clearly, Chinas energy interests in Africa are growing exponentially. Indeed, in 2006, China imported 920,000 barrels a day of crude oil, or 31 percent of its total crude imports, from Africa. Moreover, Chinese national oil companies are still relatively small players on the continent. â€Å"The commercial value of the oil investments in Africa of Chinas NOCs is just 8 percent of the combined commercial value of the (international oil companies) investments in African oil and 3 percent of all companies invested in African oil† (Downs, 2007: 42). A central criticism of these contracts revolve s around the tactics and strategies by which Chinese corporations enter into them. For instance, on February 16, 2006, Chinaafrica, an official Chinese publication, quoted Wang Yingping of the China Institute of International Studies (CIIS), as asserting that â€Å"Chinese businesses pay greater attention to protecting the environment when building factories and exploring for Africas rich reserves in oil†; two months later, it cited, without comment, the assertion by Sierra Leones ambassador to China that â€Å"the Chinese just come and do it. They dont hold meetings about environmental impact assessments, human rights, bad governance and good governance. Im not saying its right, just that Chinese investment is succeeding because they dont set high benchmarks† (Taylor, 2009: 47).  Ã‚  Ã‚   The US is obsessed with oil imports from the Middle East and pays little or no attention to SSA. This region supplies as much black gold to the US as the Persian Gulf States. According to (Donelson, 2008) the region also lend itself to just as much (if not more) danger of unexpected supply disruption. For this reason AFRICOM, the new US military administrative headquarters [one of six regional headquarters (HQs) worldwide] was established. The military demand center is devoted to relations with 53 countries (Donelson, 2008). At the end of 2007, SSA accounted for nearly 16% of US daily imports, versus just over 18% for the Persian Gulf States and just over 18% for Canada. The country in seventh place is Angola with 507,000 barrels a day, just behind Algeria. Chad, Gabon, Congo (Brazzaville), and Equatorial Guinea are petroleum suppliers to the US as well, along with minor players including South Africa, Mauritania, Ivory Coast, Ghana, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Kinshasa . One country with strong oil reserves is Nigeria, but unfortunately the region is vulnerable to disruption. The destroying of oil pumping stations, pipelines, and other distribution facilities are at the order of the day by rebel groups, opposing the rule of President Umaru YarAdua. According to Donelson (2008), The Bold Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta has sent militants in boats through heavy seas to attack the Bonga oil fields more than 65 miles from land, temporarily shutting down production of more than 200,000 barrels a day. But there are also other groups, such as white-collar oil workers threatening the supply of oil if their negotiation demands are not met. But the main issue the US faces is competition from other countries, especially from China. Donelson (2008) points out that the Angola supplied almost as much oil (465,000 barrels daily) to China as they did to the US in 2007 and that number will almost certainly go up as a report by the Council of Forei gn Relations states: â€Å"Beijing secured a major stake in future oil production in 2004 with a $2 billion package of loans and aid that includes funds for Chinese companies to build railroads, schools, roads, hospitals, bridges, and offices; lay a fiber-optic network; and train Angolan telecommunications workers† (Donelson, 2008: 2). The President of Angola, Jose Eduardo dos Santos served as his partys, (MPLA) representative to China, after receiving his degree from the Azerbaijan Oil and Chemistry Institute in the old USSR. This was shortly before he became president. The relationship between dos Santos and the US is not build on a solid foundation and is to say the least very unreliable. There is no guarantee that the country will live up to its promise of providing the US with a continuous supply of oil, after such a long time of instability and civil war. With two of the top seven U.S. oil suppliers vulnerable to supply disruptions at any moment; is it any wonder that the American military presence in Africa is slated for the major expansion (Donelson, 2008). In a nutshell, before moving on to the strategic-choice analysis, what are the motivations for the US and China to enter the SSA oil market? Trade and economical intentions are high on Chinas African business agenda, offloading Chinese products in the host countries in exchange for oil and other resources. Traditionally, African states relied on western colonial powers for economic aid and influence. However, the situation is slowly changing with the rise of China and its increasing involvement in Africa. The supply of oil in return for investments and other economical incentives are the driving force for petroleum producing states to establish relations with China. SSA is a source of growing importance in the supply of oil. The region is likely to become as important a source of US energy imports as the Middle East. The US is in competition for access to oil, not only to China but also with India and Europe. Therefore, the US interest in SSA includes promoting democracy, good govern ance and transparency in economies of petroleum producing states, along with establishing a strong military command to protect its oil interests and monitor the actions of militant groups.  Ã‚   However, diplomacy is an effective tool if preferences and policy beliefs are formulated around certain goals. This is what the next chapter is going to achieve, investigating the policy beliefs of the US and China and the way it contributes to effective oil diplomatic measures.   US-Sino Oil Diplomacy in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Strategic-Choice Analysis During the twentieth century, US and Chinas preference thinking regarding Africa was greatly influenced by ideological thinking. The contest between establishing democracy or communism in Africa was evident of US-Chinese intervention on the African continent. The US followed liberalization policies to free oppressing regimes from authoritarian, communist rule, while China viewed Africa as an open domain to introduce communism. A result of these opposing preferences by the US and China was that African countries were introduced to different ideological doctrines, which laid the foundation for African countries to establish their own state goals. Hostility of certain petroleum producing states toward cooperation with either the US or China, favoring one state over the other because of ideological and economical preferences, domestic conflict in Nigeria, violations of human rights in Sudan, the war on terror in conjunction with Muslim extremism and the general poor living and health con ditions in SSA, are factors that limit the American and Chinese governments to implement successful strategies. On the other hand, the US and China can certainly benefit from the individual preferences of state leaders and actors in the oil industry. For example, the goals of multinational oil corporations and the individual beliefs of business leaders contribute to the formulation of a national grand strategy for SSA.   In analyzing the strategic interest of the US in the SSA oil setting, the ideological preference of the US to promote democracy and good governance in African countries is a condition when strategies based on democratic principles are to be devised. â€Å"Oil is where you find it. Oil companies cannot always invest in democratically governed countries. It would be ideal if it could be guaranteed that the head of an African country where a US oil company invested was, in fact, an advocate of democracy and always respected human rights. Unfortunately, that is not a realistic expectation in todays Africa or in most other oil producing regions of the world. It is important to urge and cajole and to nudge the leaders of the oil producing countries towards establishing inclusive democracies and good governance† (Wihbey, Schutz, 2002: 4). This is the task of US diplomacy. In Sudan, the US government is supporting the initiatives of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative ( EITI) (The Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, 2007). Countries that underwrite the initiatives and programs of the EITI have preferences toward establishing good governance principles in countries that depend on the extraction of natural resources, and to eradicate the exploitation of these resources. Initiatives that seek to promote good governance principles can only be successful if the supporting countries maintain these same good government principles at home. The SSA oil strategic setting allows for many actors, whether they are governmental institutions, non-governmental institutions, non-state actors or individuals, such as the residents of the Niger delta and Southern Sudan and the multitude of multinational oil corporations (MNCs), to formulate their own goals and pursue unique strategies. However, environmental constrains, such as transportation difficulties and inaccessibility of areas in the Niger Delta, further accentuates the problem actors experience to reach solutions on common grounds. Then there are also religious divisions between Muslims and Christians, ethnic conflicts between the different tribes living in the Niger Delta, the self-interested or ambitious goals of MNCs in the central government. These factors are all having an immoralizing effect on the negotiation process. Rebel groups operating from the Niger Delta, some of which pursue their own agendas and others, which are in unison with the goals of religious and ethnic groups, are at the moment taking the main stage in setting preferences for Niger Delta peace talks. The movement for the emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND)can be cited as a group that has extremely hostile feelings toward the presence of foreign and in particular western oil companies (The movement for the emancipation of the Nige r Delta, 2011). In a January 2006, MEND warned the oil industry: It must be clear that the Nigerian government cannot protect your workers or assets. Leave our land while you can or die in it. Our aim is to totally destroy the capacity of the Nigerian government to export oil† (Hanson, 2007: 2). One can assume from this statement, that MEND has a preference for the protection of their land from foreign invasion. They voice strong, emotional concern over foreign oil workers occupying their land and will take extreme measures expelling these oil workers from their land. Whether, they really are interested in finding solutions to the ongoing delta conflict is an open question. Their findings are that anti-government groups, supporting the goals of Muslim extremists and anti-western lobbyists are greatly responsible for the chaos and anarchy characterizing the situation in the delta. Accusations that western oil companies are destroying the natural habitat of certain fish populations and are responsible for the ethnic conflict are treated with contempt by oil companies, such as Shell and ExconMobil, (Howden, 2006) both which invested heavily in the Nigerian oil industry. Oil operations of these companies are conducted in harmony with the natural environment, and that one of their missions is to protect the Niger Delta from over-exploitation and unnecessary pollution. It is all a question of respecting the rights of citizens living in the area and caring about the natural environment, which is an aspect that is neglected by foreign oil companies operating in the Delta. In making a final analysis regarding the preferences of the actors in the Nigerian conflic t, it is necessary that common ground has to be found between the actors. An environment where actors pursue harmonious interests will be beneficial to all. As long as the local residents view foreign oil workers as intruders on their land, pursuing ambitious, and self-interested goals and not returning revenue into local community development programs, the chances that a final solution to the conflict be reached, are small. If one or both of these powers can accept the role of mediator, laying down guidelines for further negotiations, the negotiation process will enjoy a substantial boost. This mediating role will not only help the conflicting parties, but will in effect put the concept of energy security on the negotiating table. On the other hand, for parties to commence a mediating role, they should have an unbiased attitude toward the conflicting parties. Both these countries have strong and clear intentions to use oil diplomacy to their own benefit and manipulate the results in the SSA oil strategic setting. In SSA, AFRICOM is set out to achieve military dominance on the African continent and establish military strategic partnerships with petroleum producing countries. Nigeria, Sao Tome and Principe and Angola along the west coast of Africa are the main hotspots for US and Chinese oil interests. Nigeria is the biggest exporter of oil in the region, and in the last five years had allocated valuable oil drilling licenses to US and Chinese oil companies. Nigeria already supplies the oil needs of these two giants, especially to the US. Sao Tome and Principe and Nigeria (Sao Tome, Nigeria sign oil deal with US-led consortium, 2005) signed a milestone contract to give a consortium led by the US based oil company, ChevronTexaco, rights to drill in the two countries shared Gulf of Guinea oil exploration zone. China has secured four oil-drilling licenses from Nigeria in the last three years. In exchange, China will invest US$4bn in oil and infrastructure projects in Nigeria (BBC News, 2006). Nigeria, Africas top oil exporter, has long been viewed by China as a partner. From the recent contracts allocated by the governments of Nigeria and Sao Tome and Principe to US and Chinese based oil companies, it becomes clear that US-Sino oil diplomacy in SSA focus on establishing long-lasting relationships (BBC News, 2006). The giant Chinese state-owned China National Offshore Oil Corporation, CNOOC, has reached a deal to buy a 45 percent stake in a Nigerian oil field for more than US$2 billion. The purchase, if approved by both governments, would be Chinas first major venture into oil-rich Nigeria. Analysts say the Nigerian bid will not be easy for CNOOC, which has no experience in dealing with Nigeria, a country rated as a difficult place to do business. The international anti-corruption group Transparency International ranks the country as the sixth most corrupt nation in the world. The American oil company Chevron did not bid on this block, and that would imply they did not believe the values were there. So this is certainly a hurdle which CNOOC will have to overcome. Chinese and Nigerian governments will sign two important agreements: one on economic and technology cooperation and a memorandum of understanding on developing a strategic partnership. China is offering assistance in the form of building new tanker terminals, refineries and possible pipelines to export the oil from remote regions to the coast for easy loading (Ramirez, 2006). China is streamlining the oil infrastructure in SSA, according to their specific needs. This is an infrastructure that on the one hand satisfies their oil demands, but on the other hand leaves the host country no choice but to become dependent on the Chinese oil expertise.The result is that petroleum producing countries in the long run will be more dependent on Chinese investments to sustain their economies, rather than China being dependent on their oil imports. This interaction clearly indicates that Chinas preferences are shaped on establishing some sort of economic superiority over their oil strategic partners and forcing petroleum producing states to be dependent on Chinese intervention. If China has more control over the oil affairs of host countries, it will give them a stronger bargaining base and increase their strategic advantage. The longterm goal of countries that seek to control the economies of its trading partners is to transform economic gains into security gains, so that in the long run, economics and security are inseparable (Snidal, 1993: 73). When China can control the economies of petroleum producing states, it will have strong incentives to move one step further and create military strategic partnerships. The supply of military equipment, providing of nuclear technology, and perhaps positioning of Chinese troops in petroleum producing states, as overseers of its oil operations, cannot be excluded from its African engagement strategy. By successfully negotiating with petroleum producing states and gaining diplomatic prestige, the other state will immediately be in a less favorable situation. In doing so, the preferences will have a stronger strategic value and gives stronger bargaining power. Strategic values or interests are valued not for themselves, but for their contribution to the protection or promotion of other interests in the future. They are â€Å"interests defined in terms of power†, to recall Morgenthaus memorable phrase (Snyder, 1997: 23). The motivation for the US and China is to try and establish alignments with petroleum producing states. In this way, they their strategic values will be more clearly defined and they can implement strategies to control certain oil fields, offshore oil rigs, pipelines and sea passages. The indication is that the sea around the west coast of Africa, stretching from Nigeria in the north to Angola in the south, is expected to raise problems concerning the transpo rtation of future oil supplies. Because the US and China both have to use these sealanes to transport crude oil and gas, it might become a point of conflict. Determining Preferences Preference determination is typically specified in one of three ways: by assumption, by observation and by deduction (Frieden, 1999, p. 53). The objective with this section is to explore these ways and determine their analytical value in the context of the actors preferences in the SSA oil strategic setting, with the main emphasis being on the US and China. Because the US and China both have energy security interests, they have formulated energy security policies at the national level, and these policies are based on assumptions of realism or liberalism. Determining the preferences of the US and China by deducing preferences from these assumptions will offer one of the most analytically satisfying routes to see what specific preferences they hold in the SSA oil strategic setting. It is easiest to assume preferences. In the principal application in international relations to the preferences of nation-states, the simplest assumption might be that states attempt to maximize national wel fare, or assume that states maximize national resources (Frieden, 1999: 53). A comparison between the preferences of economics and the preferences of international politics shows that there are distinctions with regards to the actors involved and the goals they pursue. In economics, there is limited variation in the cast of characters, particularly firms and individuals. Firms prefer profit maximization and individuals prefer wealth maximization (Niou, Ordeshook. Rose, 1999: 54). However, international politics involves individuals, firms, groups, nation-states, international organizations and transnational actors. The preferences of ChevronTexaco and Chinas Petroleum and Chemical Corporation (Sinopec), may in general terms be homogenous, they are engaged in every aspect of the oil and natural gas industry in the SSA oil industry, including exploration and production, refining, marketing and transportation, chemicals, manufacturing and sales (The leadership functions of Chevron Texaco , 2007). However, the reality is that American and Chinese oil companies operating in SSA are in effect not only serving the interests of the oil industry and acting as channels for the procurement of oil imports for their local economies, but they also serve as useful instruments in the hands of politicians to control and manipulate the oil industries of the agent states. Expansion of US and Chinese oil operations in SSA since the start of the twenty first century are providing them with more power on the continent. The direct result of gaining more power in the oil industry is that the petroleum producing states are getting entangled in a web of either American or Chinese influence. This influence is leading to a state of dependency of petroleum producing states on US and Chinese involvement in their oil industries. In terms of economic considerations, the US and China prefer different outcomes in their oil diplomacy with petroleum producing states. The US regards the pursuing of economical interests a US and China Negotiations with Oil Producing Countries US and China Negotiations with Oil Producing Countries Abstract The start of the twenty first century signaled a new beginning for the United States and China in their quest for oil diplomacy with African oil producing countries. One of the characteristics of this venture is the difference in approach both countries follow to attain this natural resource. This research work, therefore, examines the diplomatic measures of the US and China in their negotiations with oil producing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, hereafter referred to as (SSA). In particular, the results they expect or the preferences over outcomes are analyzed. It is not the intention of the study to present a comparative analysis of US and Chinese import figures or to look at their reciprocal relationship. The question is what strategic choices do the US and China make in their interaction with oil producing countries and in what way does such interaction shape oil diplomacy? An important finding is that the US and China develop different strategic paths and policy frameworks whic h strengthen the assumption that the two countries compete for SSA oil. Along these lines, the study investigates the oil diplomacy of the US and China in SSA using the strategic-choice approach as an analytical framework. Introduction In the last decade, the US and China has moved their search for oil security to the African continent. The US and China arrive on the SSA oil scene with their own motives and interests. Their single most important interest is to engage in oil diplomacy with petroleum producing states and secure the safe import of oil from the region. African states traditionally were influenced by colonial powers. However, with the rise of China and its increasing involvement in Africa, the situation is changing. The US focuses on humanitarianism, good governance and democratization of petroleum producing states in their oil diplomacy approach. China, the worlds fastest growing economy, views SSA as a welcome offloading ground for its products in exchange for oil. An economic approach focusing on enlarging its commercial interests is the driving factor for Chinas engagement with petroleum producing states. China needs more raw materials to supply in its increasing domestic demand. Instability in the Middle East, oil dependency and securing its energy interests drives the US to SSA. Keeping a watchful eye on Chinas involvement and monitoring its influence with petroleum producing states is another reason the US is devoting much of its time to this part of Africa. The US interest in the region focuses on the procurement of oil and gas, but with the establishment of the US African Command (AFRICOM), US involvement in SSA shifted in a large degree to the fight against terrorism and safeguarding of American oil operations. Analytical Framework Lake Powell (1999) formulated an approach that makes it easier for students of international relations to explain the choices actors make, whether these actors are states, parties, ethnic groups, companies, leaders or individuals. This approach is used in the paper to explain the strategic interaction of the US and China with oil producing countries and not the strategic interaction between the US and China. The argument is that both countries have independent influencing power and exercise an asymmetric relationship with oil producing countries. In SSA the preferences and beliefs of the US and China in conjunction with the strategic environment are the core attributes on which the strategic-choice approach is based. In the SSA oil environment, there are many beliefs and preferences which have an effect on interaction and the formulation of policy frameworks. What are the oil security preferences of the US and China in SSA, and how is it influenced by the environment? Changes in the behavior of actors are often difficult to perceive in the strategic-choice approach (Lake Powell, 1999). Whenever changes in the behavior of actors do take place, it is primarily done through learning, through changes in the actors environment or by analyzing the actors as more basic actors Lake Powell, 1999). In this study, the methodological bet would disaggregate the actors into more basic actors, such as the individual beliefs of the energy departments, national leaders, multinational oil corporations, bureaucrats and individuals. Frieden (1999: 50) mentions the concept of actors preferences over choices, and how the outcomes affect strategic interaction between actors in the same setting. The preference in a particular setting leads the agent to devise a strategy. Analysts of international relations have long debated how preferences and the strategic environment affect outcomes, jointly and separately. Many debates in the field have to do with whether outcomes are primarily the result of the constraints of the international system or of differences among national preferences (Frieden, 1999:50). A strong variant of realism, for example, implies that state preferences are so overwhelmed by the pressures of interstate competition that all states must pursue essentially identical strategies. A strong domestic, dominance perspective might, on the other hand, argue that different state strategies flow primarily from different national characteristics and preferences. Due to the continuous rise of new issues in SSA oil politics, the argument is that preferences are shaped by environmental factors and thus not static. It will be difficult, therefore, to separate the preferences of the actors from the strategic environment. The assumption is that a cycle of interaction is proposed deriving from the interplay of preferences and strategies. In the SSA oil setting, the US and China in deciding what preferences over outcomes they desire, have to take political environmental constraints into consideration, because the oil-induced political environment is constantly changing. Instability of oil producing countries, corruption, the negative consequences of having oil reserves, bad governance and terrorism are contributing factors to this changing environment. In more stable, homogenous oil environments, the actors preferences are more constant. The environment in North Africa is a region with a more or less stable oil infrastructure, where actors formulate clear, definable goals, separate from such environmental influence. The North African oil producing states of Libya, Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt have a strong unifying Muslim culture, and they can shape their preferences around a common goal. In SSA, the environment and the choices actors make are separated, because of ethnic division, religious differences, corruption, instability, bad governance and the gross mismanagement of oil revenues. These factors then make it difficult for leaders to shape preferences without interference of political constraints. In reality, leaders of oil states will base individual preferences on self-enrichment and state goals on the dynamics of interplay between actors in the strategic setting. The main energy security debate for the American and Chinese government in the twenty first century focuses on the concept of oil dependence. Diversification of import channels, safe delivery of imports and establishing reasonable prices are factors that influence the decision-making of policymakers. US-Sino oil diplomacy in SSA thus follows different paths. Because both countries arrived relatively late on the oil scene in this part of Africa, were not previous colonial masters, and had limited strategic ties with petroleum producing states, SSA now presents new challenges to the US and Chinese governments in their quest for oil. Engaging in diplomatic talks broaden oil horizons and establish measures along which oil security is negotiated. From the perspective of increasing oil imports and acquiring new exploration and drilling licenses, oil diplomacy is vital for sustaining negotiations on a continuous basis. However, for diplomacy to be an effective tool, the US and China need to formulate preferences or policy beliefs. The next section presents a brief overview of US and Chinese expansion into the SSA oil fields in the last couple of years. The aim is to identify the major oil producing countries with whom the US and China have signed deals and not to present import and expo rt figures. Looking at the allocation of exploration contracts to the US and China by SSA oil producers, it becomes clear that these countries are siding with either the US or China. The point is that diplomacy and strategic interaction are deciding factors influencing the relationship. For example, Nigeria and Angola as two of SSAs major oil producing countries have strong relationships with both powers, but their interaction differ. US and Chinese Expansion into Sub-Saharan Africa Oil Fields The growing expansion of Chinese national oil companies into Africas oil markets is perhaps the aspect of Sino-African relations that most concerns the international community (Taylor, 2009: 37). Chinese firms are actively seeking resources of every kind: copper, bauxite, uranium, aluminum, manganese, iron ore, and more. However, the issues surrounding oil are of particular interest to Western policymakers studying Chinas rise (Lyman, 2006). Indeed, although China and the US do not rely on one another for energy supplies, the possibility that oil will be the subject of future disagreements between them is arguably high and thus has a bearing on much of the commentary on Sino-African energy policies (Zha, 1999: 69). Certainly, there is concern that Beijings procurement of energy supplies will pose a challenge to the global dominance of Washington at a time when levels of cooperation between the two governments on matters of energy are at best weak (Dreyer, 2007: 461). In contrast to t he days of Maoist solidarity, contemporary Chinas economic dealings with Africa are, in the main, based on an unfriendly evaluation of commercial potential. Indeed, to reiterate, Chinas rapidly developing oil requirements have helped propel Sin-African trade at the turn of the millennium (Taylor, 2009: 44). A select listing of recent contracts signed by Chinas national oil companies gives a flavor of the geographical extent of Chinese interest in SSA oil. In 2004, Total Gabon signed a contract with Sinopec for exporting Gabonese crude oil into China. Angola received a US$ billion loan in 2005 in exchange for oil deals with China, which added another US$1 billion to the loan in March 2006. Also in 2005, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation signed a US$800 million deal with PetroChina to supply 30,000 barrels of crude per day to China. In 2006, CNOOC agreed to pay US$2.3 billion for a stake in a Nigerian oil and gas field (Taylor, 2009: 45). Chinese oil companies also reportedl y signed contracts to begin offshore oil exploration and production in Congo-Brazzaville and began oil exploration in northern Namibia with the intent to establish an oil refinery. In addition, Nigeria announced that that it would give the first right of refusal on four oil exploration blocks to CNPC in exchange for a commitment to invest US$4 billion in infrastructure (Taylor, 2009: 46). Clearly, Chinas energy interests in Africa are growing exponentially. Indeed, in 2006, China imported 920,000 barrels a day of crude oil, or 31 percent of its total crude imports, from Africa. Moreover, Chinese national oil companies are still relatively small players on the continent. â€Å"The commercial value of the oil investments in Africa of Chinas NOCs is just 8 percent of the combined commercial value of the (international oil companies) investments in African oil and 3 percent of all companies invested in African oil† (Downs, 2007: 42). A central criticism of these contracts revolve s around the tactics and strategies by which Chinese corporations enter into them. For instance, on February 16, 2006, Chinaafrica, an official Chinese publication, quoted Wang Yingping of the China Institute of International Studies (CIIS), as asserting that â€Å"Chinese businesses pay greater attention to protecting the environment when building factories and exploring for Africas rich reserves in oil†; two months later, it cited, without comment, the assertion by Sierra Leones ambassador to China that â€Å"the Chinese just come and do it. They dont hold meetings about environmental impact assessments, human rights, bad governance and good governance. Im not saying its right, just that Chinese investment is succeeding because they dont set high benchmarks† (Taylor, 2009: 47).  Ã‚  Ã‚   The US is obsessed with oil imports from the Middle East and pays little or no attention to SSA. This region supplies as much black gold to the US as the Persian Gulf States. According to (Donelson, 2008) the region also lend itself to just as much (if not more) danger of unexpected supply disruption. For this reason AFRICOM, the new US military administrative headquarters [one of six regional headquarters (HQs) worldwide] was established. The military demand center is devoted to relations with 53 countries (Donelson, 2008). At the end of 2007, SSA accounted for nearly 16% of US daily imports, versus just over 18% for the Persian Gulf States and just over 18% for Canada. The country in seventh place is Angola with 507,000 barrels a day, just behind Algeria. Chad, Gabon, Congo (Brazzaville), and Equatorial Guinea are petroleum suppliers to the US as well, along with minor players including South Africa, Mauritania, Ivory Coast, Ghana, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Kinshasa . One country with strong oil reserves is Nigeria, but unfortunately the region is vulnerable to disruption. The destroying of oil pumping stations, pipelines, and other distribution facilities are at the order of the day by rebel groups, opposing the rule of President Umaru YarAdua. According to Donelson (2008), The Bold Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta has sent militants in boats through heavy seas to attack the Bonga oil fields more than 65 miles from land, temporarily shutting down production of more than 200,000 barrels a day. But there are also other groups, such as white-collar oil workers threatening the supply of oil if their negotiation demands are not met. But the main issue the US faces is competition from other countries, especially from China. Donelson (2008) points out that the Angola supplied almost as much oil (465,000 barrels daily) to China as they did to the US in 2007 and that number will almost certainly go up as a report by the Council of Forei gn Relations states: â€Å"Beijing secured a major stake in future oil production in 2004 with a $2 billion package of loans and aid that includes funds for Chinese companies to build railroads, schools, roads, hospitals, bridges, and offices; lay a fiber-optic network; and train Angolan telecommunications workers† (Donelson, 2008: 2). The President of Angola, Jose Eduardo dos Santos served as his partys, (MPLA) representative to China, after receiving his degree from the Azerbaijan Oil and Chemistry Institute in the old USSR. This was shortly before he became president. The relationship between dos Santos and the US is not build on a solid foundation and is to say the least very unreliable. There is no guarantee that the country will live up to its promise of providing the US with a continuous supply of oil, after such a long time of instability and civil war. With two of the top seven U.S. oil suppliers vulnerable to supply disruptions at any moment; is it any wonder that the American military presence in Africa is slated for the major expansion (Donelson, 2008). In a nutshell, before moving on to the strategic-choice analysis, what are the motivations for the US and China to enter the SSA oil market? Trade and economical intentions are high on Chinas African business agenda, offloading Chinese products in the host countries in exchange for oil and other resources. Traditionally, African states relied on western colonial powers for economic aid and influence. However, the situation is slowly changing with the rise of China and its increasing involvement in Africa. The supply of oil in return for investments and other economical incentives are the driving force for petroleum producing states to establish relations with China. SSA is a source of growing importance in the supply of oil. The region is likely to become as important a source of US energy imports as the Middle East. The US is in competition for access to oil, not only to China but also with India and Europe. Therefore, the US interest in SSA includes promoting democracy, good govern ance and transparency in economies of petroleum producing states, along with establishing a strong military command to protect its oil interests and monitor the actions of militant groups.  Ã‚   However, diplomacy is an effective tool if preferences and policy beliefs are formulated around certain goals. This is what the next chapter is going to achieve, investigating the policy beliefs of the US and China and the way it contributes to effective oil diplomatic measures.   US-Sino Oil Diplomacy in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Strategic-Choice Analysis During the twentieth century, US and Chinas preference thinking regarding Africa was greatly influenced by ideological thinking. The contest between establishing democracy or communism in Africa was evident of US-Chinese intervention on the African continent. The US followed liberalization policies to free oppressing regimes from authoritarian, communist rule, while China viewed Africa as an open domain to introduce communism. A result of these opposing preferences by the US and China was that African countries were introduced to different ideological doctrines, which laid the foundation for African countries to establish their own state goals. Hostility of certain petroleum producing states toward cooperation with either the US or China, favoring one state over the other because of ideological and economical preferences, domestic conflict in Nigeria, violations of human rights in Sudan, the war on terror in conjunction with Muslim extremism and the general poor living and health con ditions in SSA, are factors that limit the American and Chinese governments to implement successful strategies. On the other hand, the US and China can certainly benefit from the individual preferences of state leaders and actors in the oil industry. For example, the goals of multinational oil corporations and the individual beliefs of business leaders contribute to the formulation of a national grand strategy for SSA.   In analyzing the strategic interest of the US in the SSA oil setting, the ideological preference of the US to promote democracy and good governance in African countries is a condition when strategies based on democratic principles are to be devised. â€Å"Oil is where you find it. Oil companies cannot always invest in democratically governed countries. It would be ideal if it could be guaranteed that the head of an African country where a US oil company invested was, in fact, an advocate of democracy and always respected human rights. Unfortunately, that is not a realistic expectation in todays Africa or in most other oil producing regions of the world. It is important to urge and cajole and to nudge the leaders of the oil producing countries towards establishing inclusive democracies and good governance† (Wihbey, Schutz, 2002: 4). This is the task of US diplomacy. In Sudan, the US government is supporting the initiatives of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative ( EITI) (The Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, 2007). Countries that underwrite the initiatives and programs of the EITI have preferences toward establishing good governance principles in countries that depend on the extraction of natural resources, and to eradicate the exploitation of these resources. Initiatives that seek to promote good governance principles can only be successful if the supporting countries maintain these same good government principles at home. The SSA oil strategic setting allows for many actors, whether they are governmental institutions, non-governmental institutions, non-state actors or individuals, such as the residents of the Niger delta and Southern Sudan and the multitude of multinational oil corporations (MNCs), to formulate their own goals and pursue unique strategies. However, environmental constrains, such as transportation difficulties and inaccessibility of areas in the Niger Delta, further accentuates the problem actors experience to reach solutions on common grounds. Then there are also religious divisions between Muslims and Christians, ethnic conflicts between the different tribes living in the Niger Delta, the self-interested or ambitious goals of MNCs in the central government. These factors are all having an immoralizing effect on the negotiation process. Rebel groups operating from the Niger Delta, some of which pursue their own agendas and others, which are in unison with the goals of religious and ethnic groups, are at the moment taking the main stage in setting preferences for Niger Delta peace talks. The movement for the emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND)can be cited as a group that has extremely hostile feelings toward the presence of foreign and in particular western oil companies (The movement for the emancipation of the Nige r Delta, 2011). In a January 2006, MEND warned the oil industry: It must be clear that the Nigerian government cannot protect your workers or assets. Leave our land while you can or die in it. Our aim is to totally destroy the capacity of the Nigerian government to export oil† (Hanson, 2007: 2). One can assume from this statement, that MEND has a preference for the protection of their land from foreign invasion. They voice strong, emotional concern over foreign oil workers occupying their land and will take extreme measures expelling these oil workers from their land. Whether, they really are interested in finding solutions to the ongoing delta conflict is an open question. Their findings are that anti-government groups, supporting the goals of Muslim extremists and anti-western lobbyists are greatly responsible for the chaos and anarchy characterizing the situation in the delta. Accusations that western oil companies are destroying the natural habitat of certain fish populations and are responsible for the ethnic conflict are treated with contempt by oil companies, such as Shell and ExconMobil, (Howden, 2006) both which invested heavily in the Nigerian oil industry. Oil operations of these companies are conducted in harmony with the natural environment, and that one of their missions is to protect the Niger Delta from over-exploitation and unnecessary pollution. It is all a question of respecting the rights of citizens living in the area and caring about the natural environment, which is an aspect that is neglected by foreign oil companies operating in the Delta. In making a final analysis regarding the preferences of the actors in the Nigerian conflic t, it is necessary that common ground has to be found between the actors. An environment where actors pursue harmonious interests will be beneficial to all. As long as the local residents view foreign oil workers as intruders on their land, pursuing ambitious, and self-interested goals and not returning revenue into local community development programs, the chances that a final solution to the conflict be reached, are small. If one or both of these powers can accept the role of mediator, laying down guidelines for further negotiations, the negotiation process will enjoy a substantial boost. This mediating role will not only help the conflicting parties, but will in effect put the concept of energy security on the negotiating table. On the other hand, for parties to commence a mediating role, they should have an unbiased attitude toward the conflicting parties. Both these countries have strong and clear intentions to use oil diplomacy to their own benefit and manipulate the results in the SSA oil strategic setting. In SSA, AFRICOM is set out to achieve military dominance on the African continent and establish military strategic partnerships with petroleum producing countries. Nigeria, Sao Tome and Principe and Angola along the west coast of Africa are the main hotspots for US and Chinese oil interests. Nigeria is the biggest exporter of oil in the region, and in the last five years had allocated valuable oil drilling licenses to US and Chinese oil companies. Nigeria already supplies the oil needs of these two giants, especially to the US. Sao Tome and Principe and Nigeria (Sao Tome, Nigeria sign oil deal with US-led consortium, 2005) signed a milestone contract to give a consortium led by the US based oil company, ChevronTexaco, rights to drill in the two countries shared Gulf of Guinea oil exploration zone. China has secured four oil-drilling licenses from Nigeria in the last three years. In exchange, China will invest US$4bn in oil and infrastructure projects in Nigeria (BBC News, 2006). Nigeria, Africas top oil exporter, has long been viewed by China as a partner. From the recent contracts allocated by the governments of Nigeria and Sao Tome and Principe to US and Chinese based oil companies, it becomes clear that US-Sino oil diplomacy in SSA focus on establishing long-lasting relationships (BBC News, 2006). The giant Chinese state-owned China National Offshore Oil Corporation, CNOOC, has reached a deal to buy a 45 percent stake in a Nigerian oil field for more than US$2 billion. The purchase, if approved by both governments, would be Chinas first major venture into oil-rich Nigeria. Analysts say the Nigerian bid will not be easy for CNOOC, which has no experience in dealing with Nigeria, a country rated as a difficult place to do business. The international anti-corruption group Transparency International ranks the country as the sixth most corrupt nation in the world. The American oil company Chevron did not bid on this block, and that would imply they did not believe the values were there. So this is certainly a hurdle which CNOOC will have to overcome. Chinese and Nigerian governments will sign two important agreements: one on economic and technology cooperation and a memorandum of understanding on developing a strategic partnership. China is offering assistance in the form of building new tanker terminals, refineries and possible pipelines to export the oil from remote regions to the coast for easy loading (Ramirez, 2006). China is streamlining the oil infrastructure in SSA, according to their specific needs. This is an infrastructure that on the one hand satisfies their oil demands, but on the other hand leaves the host country no choice but to become dependent on the Chinese oil expertise.The result is that petroleum producing countries in the long run will be more dependent on Chinese investments to sustain their economies, rather than China being dependent on their oil imports. This interaction clearly indicates that Chinas preferences are shaped on establishing some sort of economic superiority over their oil strategic partners and forcing petroleum producing states to be dependent on Chinese intervention. If China has more control over the oil affairs of host countries, it will give them a stronger bargaining base and increase their strategic advantage. The longterm goal of countries that seek to control the economies of its trading partners is to transform economic gains into security gains, so that in the long run, economics and security are inseparable (Snidal, 1993: 73). When China can control the economies of petroleum producing states, it will have strong incentives to move one step further and create military strategic partnerships. The supply of military equipment, providing of nuclear technology, and perhaps positioning of Chinese troops in petroleum producing states, as overseers of its oil operations, cannot be excluded from its African engagement strategy. By successfully negotiating with petroleum producing states and gaining diplomatic prestige, the other state will immediately be in a less favorable situation. In doing so, the preferences will have a stronger strategic value and gives stronger bargaining power. Strategic values or interests are valued not for themselves, but for their contribution to the protection or promotion of other interests in the future. They are â€Å"interests defined in terms of power†, to recall Morgenthaus memorable phrase (Snyder, 1997: 23). The motivation for the US and China is to try and establish alignments with petroleum producing states. In this way, they their strategic values will be more clearly defined and they can implement strategies to control certain oil fields, offshore oil rigs, pipelines and sea passages. The indication is that the sea around the west coast of Africa, stretching from Nigeria in the north to Angola in the south, is expected to raise problems concerning the transpo rtation of future oil supplies. Because the US and China both have to use these sealanes to transport crude oil and gas, it might become a point of conflict. Determining Preferences Preference determination is typically specified in one of three ways: by assumption, by observation and by deduction (Frieden, 1999, p. 53). The objective with this section is to explore these ways and determine their analytical value in the context of the actors preferences in the SSA oil strategic setting, with the main emphasis being on the US and China. Because the US and China both have energy security interests, they have formulated energy security policies at the national level, and these policies are based on assumptions of realism or liberalism. Determining the preferences of the US and China by deducing preferences from these assumptions will offer one of the most analytically satisfying routes to see what specific preferences they hold in the SSA oil strategic setting. It is easiest to assume preferences. In the principal application in international relations to the preferences of nation-states, the simplest assumption might be that states attempt to maximize national wel fare, or assume that states maximize national resources (Frieden, 1999: 53). A comparison between the preferences of economics and the preferences of international politics shows that there are distinctions with regards to the actors involved and the goals they pursue. In economics, there is limited variation in the cast of characters, particularly firms and individuals. Firms prefer profit maximization and individuals prefer wealth maximization (Niou, Ordeshook. Rose, 1999: 54). However, international politics involves individuals, firms, groups, nation-states, international organizations and transnational actors. The preferences of ChevronTexaco and Chinas Petroleum and Chemical Corporation (Sinopec), may in general terms be homogenous, they are engaged in every aspect of the oil and natural gas industry in the SSA oil industry, including exploration and production, refining, marketing and transportation, chemicals, manufacturing and sales (The leadership functions of Chevron Texaco , 2007). However, the reality is that American and Chinese oil companies operating in SSA are in effect not only serving the interests of the oil industry and acting as channels for the procurement of oil imports for their local economies, but they also serve as useful instruments in the hands of politicians to control and manipulate the oil industries of the agent states. Expansion of US and Chinese oil operations in SSA since the start of the twenty first century are providing them with more power on the continent. The direct result of gaining more power in the oil industry is that the petroleum producing states are getting entangled in a web of either American or Chinese influence. This influence is leading to a state of dependency of petroleum producing states on US and Chinese involvement in their oil industries. In terms of economic considerations, the US and China prefer different outcomes in their oil diplomacy with petroleum producing states. The US regards the pursuing of economical interests a